As hundreds of thousands of protesters began taking to the streets of Hong Kong starting in June, administration officials were working to revive their collapsed trade talks with Beijing. Hong Kong is facing its worst political turmoil since the former British colony was returned to Chinese rule in 1997, with marches drawing massive crowds initially demanding a full withdrawal of a controversial extradition bill. Activists had begun targeting other symbols of China’s presence in Hong Kong—including a high-speed rail station that links the city to the mainland.
“It was made clear down the chain that we need to be measured on Hong Kong,” one administration official said, noting that the guidance came from “the top” over concern that fragile talks with China might be jeopardized by any outward show of support for the protests.
Negotiators resumed trade talks Wednesday, with China agreeing to increase its purchases of U.S. agricultural exports, a key demand by Washington. Both sides described the negotiations as constructive and said the next round will be held in September.
The protests weren’t the first time the administration moved to ease its stance toward Beijing. In June, Vice President Mike Pence canceled a speech on China ahead of President Trump’s planned meeting with his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping at a G-20 summit. The policy address in part had been expected to touch on human-rights violations by Beijing, and was postponed indefinitely amid “positive signs” regarding trade talks with China, according to a senior administration official.
The White House and National Security Council didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.
The actions reflect the administration’s foreign-policy moves that prioritize Mr. Trump’s interest in safeguarding relationships where he sees opportunity for economic or political gain, sometimes going against the will of allies and even lawmakers within his own Republican Party.
Last week, even as North Korea fired two short-range missiles off its east coast, an official from the National Security Council, who was traveling in the region for unrelated meetings, visited the demilitarized zone between North and South Korea to personally deliver photographs promised by Mr. Trump to North Korean leader Kim Jong Un from their recent impromptu meeting last month, according to another senior administration official.
Following the tests, Mr. Trump told Fox News last week that “they really haven’t tested any missiles, you know, other than smaller ones, which is something lots test.”
During the brief Korean DMZ encounter, a North Korean official informed the American official, who couldn’t be identified for security reasons, that talks would begin soon, according to the senior administration official.
Similarly, Mr. Trump is treading softly on the question of sanctions on Turkey after Ankara’s recent decision to buy a Russian air-defense system, a move that prompted Washington to withhold sales of Lockheed Martin Corp. ’s advanced F-35 stealth jet fighters to the country. Mr. Trump has been hesitant to impose sanctions on Turkey, a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, because he wants Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s help on regional issues, including his pending plans to withdraw from Syria, according to several current and former U.S. officials.
In many of these cases, Mr. Trump has encountered resistance from lawmakers within his own party. In a White House meeting last week, Mr. Trump was at odds with Republican senators who urged him to punish Ankara for allowing Russia’s S-400 missile-defense system into NATO territory. Sens. Rick Scott (R., Fla.) and Todd Young (R., Ind.) proposed a resolution last week condemning Turkey’s decision to purchase the S-400 from Russia and called on the administration to impose sanctions against Ankara.
Lawmakers also have demanded more information from the White House with regard to its talks with North Korea, with many Republicans complaining that they receive little notice concerning progress—or lack of it—in talks with Pyongyang.
On Hong Kong, a U.S. bill co-sponsored by House and Senate lawmakers in June reaffirms American commitment to democracy, human rights and rule of law at a time when “these freedoms and Hong Kong’s autonomy are being eroded.”
Sen. Marco Rubio (R., Fla.), Rep. Jim McGovern (D., Mass.) and Rep. Chris Smith (R., N.J.) introduced the bill. It followed the introduction of a separate but related bill that examined China’s use of Hong Kong as a base for espionage against foreigners.
This week, after China’s Foreign Ministry said the Hong Kong protests were “the work of the U.S.,” Secretary of State Mike Pompeo was forced to respond.
“These are the people of Hong Kong asking their government to listen to them. So it’s always appropriate for every government to listen to their people,” he said, and called accusations of U.S. meddling “ludicrous on its face.”
One of the senior administration officials said the White House expects China to honor its commitments to the people of Hong Kong, but wouldn’t outwardly express support for the pro-independence movement.
But just as Mr. Trump has been wary to publicly condemn Turkey for its purchase of the Russian missile-defense system, or North Korea for its continuing missile tests, he remains reluctant to show any sign of support for the protests in Hong Kong.
In June, he hailed crowd sizes in Hong Kong as being “as big a demonstration I’ve ever seen,” but declined to offer a view on what message the mass demonstrations were sending to China.
“I don’t know what they’re sending them,” he told reporters. “I’m sure they’ll be able to work it out with China.”
